Practices of hegemonic masculinity are not only dominant towards women – practices of domination also involve “other” masculinities. Hegemonic masculinity is thus “hegemony over women and hegemony over subordinate masculinities”, according to Demetriou (2009,341). Not all men and their practices fit into the hegemonic masculine “category.” Connell and Messerschmidt (2005: 846) observe that there is a hierarchy within masculinity and describe this as a model of hegemony. Within this hierarchy, some masculinities are more socially central and more associated with authority and power than others. They elaborate by asserting that non-hegemonic masculinities, within the sphere of masculinities, are subordinate to their hegemonic brethren. They describe this subordination as complex, with factors such as cultural consent, discursive centrality and marginalization playing a role in the process of domination and the creation of non-hegemonic masculinities. Demetriou (2001, 341-343) describes non-hegemonic masculinities as internal hegemony. (or male hegemony over other masculinities). Three forms of internal hegemony are identified: subordinate masculinity, marginalized masculinity and complicit masculinity. Subordinate masculinities, according to Demetriou and in agreement with Wedgwood (2008: 335), specify that certain groups of men have less status and privileges than the “dominant” hegemonic groups. band. He uses the example of gay men versus heterosexual men – with gay men being the least affected in their relationships with material practices and experiencing discrimination in the political, economic, cultural and legal spheres. Marginalized masculinities refer to the domination of men. men (by men) depending on their social class and/or and...... middle of paper ...... still engaged in violent criminal practices. Many were violently abused by their fathers. Violence was historically and currently deeply rooted in men's lives. (Walker, 2005). Walker (2005, 232) observed that many interviewees struggled with conflicting masculinities; on the one hand, they felt guilty for beating their girlfriends, on the other, they identified with a gender order that did not denounce gender violence. In some cases, provocative sexual behavior, such as entitlement to sex even if the woman "doesn't want it," resulted in feelings of remorse, while others perceived violence against women as the norm. The respondents were therefore in constant agitation; they do not feel comfortable in traditional masculinity but have difficulty adapting to modern "prescribed" sexualities (according to the "new" liberation).