Few people, and even Canadians, know that Haiti represents Canada's largest aid commitment in the Americas, and the second largest after Afghanistan. According to (Michaud, 2001), Haiti is known as a perpetual "failed state", characterized by coups, controversial elections, food riots and recently a devastating earthquake. Even before the devastating earthquake, a large part of the Haitian population suffered from lack of access to food. The average cost of living for any Haitian resident is slightly closer to that of Canada, but Haitian residents employed in the manufacturing sector face difficult conditions. The role played by the Canadian government in its international relations with Haiti is a matter of concern and is subject to debate as it requires a clear analysis of historical data in order to obtain a proper conclusion as to the role played by the Canadian government in Haiti. Therefore, my article will seek to determine the impacts of Canadian foreign policy on the Haitian government. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on “Why violent video games should not be banned”? Get the original essay The Canadian government began its role in Haiti by providing security and stability through CIDA agencies , the RCMP and other international organizations such as the United Nations. However, Canada's intentions were in the opposite direction. In 2004, the United States of America, Canada and France played a role in the ouster of the elected president of Haiti named Jean Bertrand Aristide. in doing so, they overthrew an entire government elected by the people. According to historical records, six years after Haiti's assisted coup, Haiti remained occupied by United Nations police and an army better known by the acronym MINUSTAH. The former president ousted in the coup lives in exile in South Africa and Haiti's administration remains in tatters. The Canadian and American response to the Haiti earthquake added more than ten thousand troops to the country, compounding the country's woes. Few Canadians know the role played by Canada in Haiti, and even fewer know the remarkable role of the Canadian administration on Haitian territory. Haiti is the second oldest republic in the Western Hemisphere. It was once part of the French colony of Saint Dominique, a sugar plantation with many slaves. But historical records show that in 1971, the Haitian people began to resist, win, and fight the only successful historical human revolt (Michaud, 2001). The struggle for Haitian independence was deeply intertwined with the French Revolution. They took up the principle of fraternity, equality and liberty and demanded equal treatment for all, regardless of skin color. Delegates from Haiti presented these demands to the Republican Assembly in France. The presence of a republic with free blacks also caused shock waves throughout the American continent. Haiti's very existence established a visible antagonistic relationship between the United States of America and its own large population of black slaves. U.S. Marines and Canadian troops occupied Haiti from 1925 to 1934, establishing uneasy relations to this day. Canadian foreign policy towards the Republic of Haiti dates back to this historical period. There are numerous records of immigration from Haiti to Quebec dating back to the 1700s, when both were part of the French Empire. Trade slowed when the French began to lose their colonies in NewWorld, mid-18th century. These relations between Haiti and Canada developed again in the early 20th century, but this time they were limited to the French-speaking elites between the two nations. French Canadians began a mission to replace the French and Belgian missionaries scattered by the world wars who dominated Haiti's Catholic community. Haiti's wealthy began preferring their children to study in Quebec while using it for health and immigration purposes. Integration between French-speaking immigrants and Canadian societies was well established. In 1964, Dr. Monestie was elected a black Canadian mayor after moving to the French-speaking community of Mattawa. The immigration pattern changed in the 1970s and 1980s to poor. Creole-speaking Haitians fled the Duvalier dictatorship. The Canadian government has persisted in treating Haitians as French-speaking individuals through their documents, even though the majority of Haitians speak Haitian Creole. Educators are a visible exception to this rule. French-speaking teachers realized that they needed French as a second language. Immigration has established a long-standing relationship between Haiti and Canada. This ended up making Haiti the first country in Latin America and the Caribbean where official policy and relations were developed. Most of the Haitian population today lives in Quebec. In 2004, the visible results of this change were seen when French, American and Canadian troops removed President Aristide from office. The planning for his dismissal took place in Ottawa, under Prime Minister Jean Chrétien and his Liberal government. They then installed an unelected government led by one Gérard Latortue from 2004 to 2006. The Latortue government, installed with the help of the Canadian government, vigorously repressed Haiti's initially poverty-stricken population. They focused their efforts on the slums of Cité Soleil and Bel Air in Port-au-Prince, killing thousands. Canada's response was silent support, because secretly they knew they were the cause. In November 2004, Canadian Prime Minister Paul Martin made his first visit to Haiti and appointed Haitian-born Mitchell Jean as Governor General of Canada. Instead of condemning the putschist regime, the Canadian government supported the efforts of the self-established local government to undermine the deposed government (Michaud, 2001). One egregious case is where funds were channeled by CIDA to finance the National Coalition for the Rights of Haiti (NCHR) to produce a report intended to accuse the deposed government of massacres in the Saint-Marc region. Although the NCHR was not expected to produce any evidence to find the government responsible, ultimately accusing the deposed government of barbaric acts. This report has since been used by Canadian governments as a legal basis to harass and detain former members of the Aristide government. Recently, Phares Pierre was fired from the Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board. Other defendants in the alleged incident, such as Ronald Dauphin, remained imprisoned without trial, although the penitentiary was destroyed by an earthquake. All of these allegations were intended to ensure that the Canadian government eradicated all potential threats against the non-legitimate government. Keep in mind: this is just a sample. Get a personalized article from our expert writers now. Get a Custom Essay in In conclusion, my question is: Is Canada really helping Haiti? In all this, the efforts made by the Canadian government are seen as.